
WorthlessSlavicShit
There are no happy endings in Eastern Europe.
★★★★★
- Joined
- Oct 30, 2022
- Posts
- 15,347
Bruh
. I'd say no fucking way, but I have a feeling that this is what we've been missing in the "Did women work in the past or did they depend on their husbands to provide for them while they took care of the house and the children?" debates
. And not just we, I'm pretty sure that over the years I've only ever seen it as a binary choice between women working in factories and whatnot and being housewives when it was discussed, but almost nobody has ever brought up the possibility of women being self-employed and earning money that way.
At least I don't remember anyone mentioning it
.
Anyway, the claim in the title seems pretty bold. I wonder whether the author of that article has anything to back it up?
Well, there's no link in the article itself...
Women have always worked – for pay
But... after some googling of that passage, we find this.
Female entrepreneurship: business, marriage and motherhood in England and Wales, 1851–1911
Just damn at some of the things in there
.
While women were notably less likely to be employers, especially in the first three studied periods, there's really not that much of a difference between the amount of men and women who worked on their own-account, and basically were self-employed.
Now that would seem to rebuke the claim I put in the title, with women owning "just" 30% of businesses (which is still incomparably more than both traditionalists and feminists often seem to claim). However, further down in the study where they look at percentage rates of entrepreneurial activity, instead of total numbers, there's this table, accompanied by the study's authors saying the quote we were looking for since the beginning:
In total rates there were twice as many male entrepreneurs as there were female ones, but in percentage terms, widows were much more entrepreneurial than widowers while both single and married women were about as entrepreneurial as their male counterparts, and actually were noticeably more so in the latter periods.
I wonder what was happening there to produce those two results. I guess maybe those areas got lots of male economic migrants who would skew the total numbers while not changing the percentage rates much
? I mean, the study is only about England and Wales and this was basically during the peak of the British Empire when it was the economic conter of the world, I can imagine a lot of young men from Scotland, Ireland and the rest of the Empire would come there for the economic opportunities and to try their luck.
Now, it is true that women seem to have been less entrepreneurially spread across various professions than men:
However, I'm not sure whether that meant much. Income is income, after all, and we also have this table:
Although all three types of women were most commonly married to working men, as there were just so many of them, each of the three categories were disproportionately likely to be married to similarly economically active men, clearly showing that those female entrepreneurs were aware of their status, though, when they were married to workers, they admittedly were much less likely than female employers to be married to high-status ones:
Sometimes the two entrepreneurs married together were just running their own common business, but in most cases this doesn't seem to have been the case:
And yes, as the table above shows, in very few cases, the percentages increasing along with the woman's status, you had economically active women married to economically inactive men, meaning that even in Victorian Britain, a place often depicted as very prudish, religious, and extremely "traditional" and beholden to the idea of men providing for their wives, Chads could still find females willing to invert gender roles for them and be their female betabuxxers
.
I also love this table:
Jfl at the researchers trying to make working indoors or outside the household a gender thing when their own data shows that the biggest factor of whether somebody worked outside of their house was whether they were a worker of either gender or not. "Men worked outside, women were kept at home. Just ignore our own data showing that men working on their own worked from their homes almost half the time, and since not all of them would even have the choice, that strongly implies that over half of those who had the choice chose to stay at home, despite working outside being so manly
!"
This sentence had me laughing:
First, it adds to what I meant about income being income. Women were more concentrated in certain professions than men, but that clearly didn't make their status much lower or anything, and second, the fact there are still debates whether women even worked in the past when an entire profession, one of the most common professions for women at that,
is notable by the women doing it often being the main breadwinners of their families over a hundred years ago is just a ridiculous situation to me
.
And finally, the study also makes sure to mention that this wasn't the case just in Britain:
Tfw all those conservatives fetishizing the arrangement where a woman just stays and home and chills her entire life while a man supports her by working backbreaking labour missed that often the woman would also have her own income coming from a cushy job she did at her own terms from her home
. "Clean your room bucko, you need to be a provider for a tradwife, that's your purpose as a man
! Just ignore the part that she could still easily have a higher income than you and be in charge of the household, yet she won't be shamed in the slightest for not providing for you, she's not a man, that's not her job
!"
At least I don't remember anyone mentioning it
Anyway, the claim in the title seems pretty bold. I wonder whether the author of that article has anything to back it up?
Well, there's no link in the article itself...
Women have always worked – for pay
But... after some googling of that passage, we find this.
Female entrepreneurship: business, marriage and motherhood in England and Wales, 1851–1911
Just damn at some of the things in there
Table 2 shows their numbers for the whole period 1851–1911; for 1851, 1861 and 1881 based on supplemented employer and master responses, and for 1891, 1901 and 1911 based on the actual employer and own account numbers weighted for non-responses. The proportion of female entrepreneurs remained fairly constant at just under or around 30% of the total business-owning population.

While women were notably less likely to be employers, especially in the first three studied periods, there's really not that much of a difference between the amount of men and women who worked on their own-account, and basically were self-employed.
Now that would seem to rebuke the claim I put in the title, with women owning "just" 30% of businesses (which is still incomparably more than both traditionalists and feminists often seem to claim). However, further down in the study where they look at percentage rates of entrepreneurial activity, instead of total numbers, there's this table, accompanied by the study's authors saying the quote we were looking for since the beginning:
Both the raw entrepreneurship rates (Figure 3) as well as the logit (Table 6) indicate that women had a higher rate of entrepreneurship than men. This is explained by the greater accessibility of wage labour for men, which made proprietorship a less attractive option.
In total rates there were twice as many male entrepreneurs as there were female ones, but in percentage terms, widows were much more entrepreneurial than widowers while both single and married women were about as entrepreneurial as their male counterparts, and actually were noticeably more so in the latter periods.
I wonder what was happening there to produce those two results. I guess maybe those areas got lots of male economic migrants who would skew the total numbers while not changing the percentage rates much
Now, it is true that women seem to have been less entrepreneurially spread across various professions than men:
However, I'm not sure whether that meant much. Income is income, after all, and we also have this table:
Although all three types of women were most commonly married to working men, as there were just so many of them, each of the three categories were disproportionately likely to be married to similarly economically active men, clearly showing that those female entrepreneurs were aware of their status, though, when they were married to workers, they admittedly were much less likely than female employers to be married to high-status ones:
The differences in the spouses’ occupations between these key groups of female employers reveal a lot about their status in society: while the most common occupations for spouses of employing laundresses included general labourers, agricultural labourers, gardeners and construction workers, the husbands of employer dressmakers and milliners were generally clerks, company agents, drapers and shoemakers.
Sometimes the two entrepreneurs married together were just running their own common business, but in most cases this doesn't seem to have been the case:
This presence of dual-entrepreneurship marriages has previously been identified for eighteenth-century London, and while some constitute partnerships – fori nstance a married couple of grocers – in many other cases these were two people running separate businesses.
And yes, as the table above shows, in very few cases, the percentages increasing along with the woman's status, you had economically active women married to economically inactive men, meaning that even in Victorian Britain, a place often depicted as very prudish, religious, and extremely "traditional" and beholden to the idea of men providing for their wives, Chads could still find females willing to invert gender roles for them and be their female betabuxxers
A small percentage of women had husbands who were not economically active (non-EA), implying an inversion of the male-breadwinner/female homemaker ideology. While this did not make the women sole breadwinners of their household – since there could have been contributing children or parents – the fact that this dynamic was more than twice as likely if the woman was an employer rather than a worker points to the possibility that her business was able to support both spouses.
I also love this table:
The lowest rates for either sex can be found in the mining and quarrying sector, again showing the relation between masculinity and working outside the household, while feminine work was performed indoors.
Jfl at the researchers trying to make working indoors or outside the household a gender thing when their own data shows that the biggest factor of whether somebody worked outside of their house was whether they were a worker of either gender or not. "Men worked outside, women were kept at home. Just ignore our own data showing that men working on their own worked from their homes almost half the time, and since not all of them would even have the choice, that strongly implies that over half of those who had the choice chose to stay at home, despite working outside being so manly
This sentence had me laughing:
Laundry workers were reported by their employers to be often the main wage earner, supporting their families when their husbands were (temporarily) out of work.
First, it adds to what I meant about income being income. Women were more concentrated in certain professions than men, but that clearly didn't make their status much lower or anything, and second, the fact there are still debates whether women even worked in the past when an entire profession, one of the most common professions for women at that,
Laundresses did not even appear in the 10 most common occupations in the insurance records, but consistently accounted for 10 to 15% of female entrepreneurs in the census.
is notable by the women doing it often being the main breadwinners of their families over a hundred years ago is just a ridiculous situation to me
And finally, the study also makes sure to mention that this wasn't the case just in Britain:
International studies based on census records can also be used to benchmark our estimates. These closely match our estimates. In Canada, the 1901 census showed 30% of business proprietors were women. In Belgium, census data between 1880 and 1910 showed that 34% of businesses were female, while German official statistics showed around 25% female businesses between 1882 and 1907.
In addition, if we look at the population of shareholders in England and Wales, who effectively owned part of an incorporated business, we find similar proportions of female involvement as in the census. Female shareholding in a range of businesses rose from 24 to 34% between the 1880s and the 1910s, while similar numbers were found for shareholders in various banks.
Tfw all those conservatives fetishizing the arrangement where a woman just stays and home and chills her entire life while a man supports her by working backbreaking labour missed that often the woman would also have her own income coming from a cushy job she did at her own terms from her home
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