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Blackpill Scientist
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Facial dominance of West Point cadets, measured from their graduation portraits, is known to be related to cadets' ranks at the military academy, but it has been reported to be unrelated to their ranks in later career (Mazur, Mazur & Keating 1984). With improved methods of data collection and analysis, we show that cadets' facial dominance, while still unrelated to their ranks at midcareer, is related to promotions in late career, 20 or more years after the portraits were taken. These results suggest that the absence of physical features from current models of status attainment is a serious omission.
People have a natural predisposition to sort out what faces are dominant and which are not. And it is universal, not a viewpoint that is trained.It is a common observation that certain individuals have "dominant looking" faces whereas the faces of others are perceived as submissive. American subjects reliably sort facial portraits along a dominance-submissive ness dimension, and these portraits are given similar ratings in a wide variety of cultures around the world (Keating, Mazur & Segall 1981a, 1981b). Anecdotes suggest that dominant appearance is correlated with actual status attainment, especially within the military, as when Atkinson (1981) refers to the "lantern jaw and chiseled features prized in military officers" or the "square-jawed looks ... considered vital" in a first captain at the U.S. Military Academy at West Point (1989:118). Also consider this description of a fictitious first captain, written by an academy graduate: "He had one of those young Gregory Peck faces, the dark handsome good looks of a born general. It had always seemed there was an unwritten requirement that first captains and other high-ranking cadets be attractive . . ., not just good-looking, but . . . idols. Statues to the American idea of cadet.... At 6'1," 185 pounds, a letter man in soccer and lacrosse, he was the ideal first captain. There was a certain awkwardness intimidation - in his presence" (Truscott 1978:414).
Brutal. All west point academy promotions and higher level military promotions are highly based on your face. The lower and middle positions in the military won't have your face affect you because it is based purely on merit system. But in high positions in the military, your actual intellect and abilities is not truly important, YOUR FACE IS THE MOST IMPORTANT. Besides face, you gain an edge based on how socially successful you are (based on looks, NT, and inhibition) then on how athletic you are/were. None of these things are based on merit, its exactly like a high school popularity contest. Note that these non-merit items aren't as strong for west point academy, merit is still very important at the college.This leads us to favor the remaining hypothesis, that facial appearance is a leadership quality that is more important for some promotions than for others because it signals qualifications that are more important for winning in primary group contests. Consequently, it should be more important when those recommending promotion know the candidate personally. Such is the case both at West Point, where the decision is based on evaluations by cadets and tactical officers, and in promotion to the highest ranks, attained by a few men toward the end of their careers, when the small pool of candidates is again personally known to those in judgment. At midcareer, their physical appearance is not an important factor compared to their records, even though the portraits accompany promotion files.
Academic attainment, as measured by GOM, is the only one of our four independent variables that is conventionally regarded as an important determinant of promotion in merit-based bureaucracies, which the modem military certainly is. It is puzzling that at the highest ranks, this indicator of technocratic competence loses its prior relationship to promotion. Since the range of GOM is only slightly restricted by the sequence of filters in this channel, we may conclude that after graduation from war college, for high positions in the hierarchy, leadership qualifications not measured by GOM become more important. At the same time, factors that seemingly ought to be irrelevant in a meritocracy - facial dominance, athletics, and friendliness - increase their relationship to promotion.
The best-measured of our four independent variables, GOM, is based on four years of college achievement, yet it is unrelated to promotion to the highest ranks. In contrast, the other variables are operationalized in ways that seem barely adequate: face is measured from a yearbook portrait taken 20 or more years before the highest rank is attained;friends is coded from a 50-word profile of each cadet in the yearbook; and athletic measures some ambiguous combination of physique, athletic prowess, team spirit, and in the case of lacrosse or football, school glory. It is remarkable that they relate to anything, yet these are the variables most predictive of final promotions. It is a compelling hypothesis that improved measures of these variables would produce far stronger relationships than are reported here. If true, then the effect of these variables on promotion is substantial.
These dominant features are actually real indicators of physical superiority, so discrimination for masculine features is accurate in selecting the best genes for physical combat. Unfortunately, humans are predisposed to select men with these traits for situations where physicality is not called for.strong jaws may indicate a heavily built skeleton, and therefore superior physical strength. A broad prominent forehead with strong eyebrow arches may indicate enhanced ability to absorb hits. The conventional signals that can be found in dominant looking faces seem to include several gestures observed in many nonhuman primates and humans as well when preparing for a fight (Harper 1991): thin lips, withdrawn corners of the mouth, lowered eyebrows with partially closed eyes (in order to protect them against injuries), withdrawn ears, making them appear smaller. Conversely, people with facial features typical of infants: large eyes, high thin eyebrows, round face, small nose bridges -"babyfacedness") are perceived as warmer, weaker, submissive (Berry 1990). Babyfaced people describe themselves as less aggressive (Berry 1991).
aka the discrimination isnt even beneficial for the military, it is a faulty effect from evolution. Men with more masculine faces are getting the job when they are in fact less qualified than men with beta features.if facial dominance of cadets as measured here indicates an individual's conformity with the values of the hierarchy, then, in addition, we should expect a correlation with GOM in the predicted direction, which could not be observed. (Table 1)
Men, with beta features, are discriminated against when it comes to punishment as well.babyfaced individuals, who generally are perceived as warm, dependent and submissive, receive harsher punishment for wrongdoing (Berry & Zebrowitz-McArthur 1988; Zebrowitz, Kendall-Tackett & Fafell 1991).
so all of this will only apply even more in the civilian world, aka where the vast majority of men live. Weak looking men in suicide watch.Is the military, with its warrior traditions, unique in its attention to dominant physical features? Perhaps, but there is reason to think that military promotion understates physical effects. Because of selective recruitment and socialization, West Point cadets look physically more impressive in face, physique, and posture than do students at other universities, and the same may be said of military officers compared to civilian professionals. Thus, there is less variation in appearance among military than among nonmilitary populations, and therefore less opportunity for physical selection into the highest status. Collins and Zebrowitz's (1995) finding - that babyfacedness, height and weight may have a greater impact on status attainment in civilian than in military settings - may be due to this sampling effect.
Furthermore, height, which is correlated with status in some civilian populations (Frieze, Olson & Good 1990; Gillis 1982; Hensley & Cooper 1987), was purposefully dissociated from rank at West Point...Considering all these factors, we believe that the effects of physical features on promotion are relatively understated in our military population. We predict that civilian institutions such as church hierarchies will show stronger physical effects on promotion.
Again thanks to @chudur-budur for supplying source for these brutal blackpills.
Source: https://academic.oup.com/sf/article-abstract/74/3/823/2233473